`The Need for a ‘Revolutionary Party’?

By Tom Jones, March 2009

A few words about the course we hope the nature of this debate will take. Red Writings’ editors all have a background in revolutionary groupings both independent of the mass reformist parties and also working within the mass reformist parties and trade union organizations. From the outset we would say that the many years we spent in these revolutionary groupings were the best years of our lives. We participated in the struggle nationally and internationally and were inspired by the magnificent struggles of the working classes. We have the highest regard for the many thousands of revolutionary class fighters we came to regard as our extended family.

This discussion may well be very sharp in its content and the disagreements will at the outset seem to be insurmountable. Nevertheless, fraternal constructive criticism aimed at clarification can only be beneficial. It is our hope that as the struggle develops it will become self evident that the revolutionary groupings we once were part of have generally and without exception proved themselves entirely incapable of forging a mass base amongst the working classes in Britain.

Thus it is, that in the following statement, we set out our case and invite participation in a discussion. From the start we stress that we do not have, or propose, an alternative ready-made model or structure. In addition we do not wish to impose solutions or monopolize outcomes. All we wish is that, through this website facility, we will enable a discussion in the hope that, together with participants, we can arrive at a conclusion that will assist and advance the struggle for a better world.

Introduction

Deep in the psyche of the bourgeois there has always been a morbid fear of the working classes. This is ever more so in the modern age. It has been a factor in the development of this economic crisis through the length of the previous period of growth from 1992 and beyond.

To way lay these fears they have orchestrated mass political parties in all their various guises and disguises in order to facilitate their bidding. Their kith and kin, in part, man the influential institutions of the state and their influence spreads into the higher and middle ranking echelons of the labour and trade union movement. And the holy of holies, the control of the means of production distribution and exchange, is theirs and solely theirs. For them it was the best of all possible worlds until out of a seemingly blue sky the sub prime market in the US defaulted and triggered the collapse of the world banking system.

Now that deep-seated fear has come right to the fore and the confidence of the ruling classes on a world scale has gone down hill. All their political mouthpieces are singing from the same hymn sheet with so-called financial packages, fiscal stimuli etc to ease the economic tsunami. There is seemingly no alternative to these spiraling crises. In the developed world the former parties of the working class are now generally defunct and reactionary. Mass demonstrations of workers are taking place across the globe, their main theme being the protection of their living conditions but there is a big undercurrent of a protest at the rule of capitalism itself, which is clearly voiced on these rallies.

Like a beacon on far distant shores there is the living experiment of a possible social and political revolution taking place in Venezuela, led by the self proclaimed revolutionary socialist Hugo Chavez. If successful, revolution would quickly proliferate in the backyard of the most powerful capitalist country in the world, America.

In France we are witnessing the rise of a charismatic 38-year-old postman declaring himself as a revolutionary socialist and calling for the downfall of capitalism. It seems that the new party that has been founded is an openly democratic party welcoming everyone who agrees with the central tenets of a socialist party and whose aim is to come to power.

What is self evident is that any new mass organization Marxist or otherwise is not just judged solely on its words but also by its deeds

Between the burgeoning voices of discontent with capitalism in the developed world and the struggle of the Venezuelan revolution we have to ask, “Is there a road open for the working classes in this advanced world to forge a revolutionary overthrow of their masters and if so how is this to be achieved?”

What Then of The Bolsheviks?

In 1917, Lenin understood that in a semi-feudal country, where the overwhelming majority of the population was serfs and the working class was concentrated in huge factories in the key cities and all this under the umbrella of an oppressive czarist police state, the idea of a democratic socialist workers party was anathema.

With its key demand being the overthrow of landlordism and capitalism Lenin understood that if this demand alone gained an echo in the population, he would at the very least be incarcerated. So there was an absolute need for a highly disciplined centralized organization, which on occasions could work in an open manner, and when required would work underground with all the necessary security safeguards and structures.

Lenin also identified that due to these conditions where the workers in many instances had been taken from the countryside overnight and dumped into huge industrial monoliths they to a large part had still the psychology and outlook of the peasant.

He developed the method of attempting to win and educate only the best, most class-conscious workers in the need for power. With the perspective of future struggles between the workers and the state he believed that that this revolutionary cadre would lead with their demands and action.

Although this is a simplistic outline Lenin and Trotsky proved in practice that they were correct in their political perspectives for Russia and that the revolutionary party was the key instrument in carrying through the successful workers and peasant’s revolution.

In Britain the most successful workers party historically was the British Communist Party. Its demise was linked to its failure to correctly analyse the political perspectives in relation to the USSR and in particular the rise of Stalinism. The British Communist Party was but a caricature of Stalin’s Russian Communist Party. Even in the light of the Hungarian revolution the British communists sided with the Stalinists in the Kremlin. As far as the workers in Britain were concerned the economic gains of the Stalinists were outweighed and discounted by the totalitarian nature of the regime that, at all times, was loyally supported by the British Communist Party.

The central question up for debate is; in the modern age is there still a need for a revolutionary party styled on the Bolsheviks 1917 in method and organization in order to carry through a successful overthrow of world capitalism today?

The Contribution of Marx

Neither, Marx or Engel’s theorized about the role of a revolutionary party. The reason being, the working class had yet to arrive on the scene of history en masse. Marx did take an active role in the Paris Commune (1871) and was inspired by the struggle of the Parisian workers that ended in brutal defeat.

He noted the democratic bodies that had been formed in the heat of the struggle and drew inspiration from the way the Parisian masses came together and organized the fight against the insurgents.

Later, Lenin studied the writings of Marx on the Paris Commune and drew on them extensively when he formulated the need for a revolutionary party and the formation of the new workers state.

Marx and Engel’s laid bare the workings of the capitalist system. Marx also pointed out that one of the fundamental reasons for the rule of the bourgeoisie was that of the control of mental labour wielded over manual labour. In the period of Marx’s life the universities were only open to small sections of the upper middle class and their main aim was to provide a reliable, and well rewarded, administration to man the institutions of the state and the infrastructure of a developing capitalist society. Today that fundamental hold of the bourgeoisie is being destroyed and cannot be relied upon as it was in the past.

Marx’s Relevance Today

Many see Marx’s assertion being annulled because the doors of university education have now been opened to the masses. But the advantage the bourgeoisie held should not be overlooked because its lasting effects are only now being transformed.

Even by the 1970s, only 10% or so of the population attained a higher education and universities were still dominated by the sons and daughters of the middle classes. But today, we are developing a highly educated working class that is no longer servile in our outlook to the bourgeoisie.

We are also the product of the information age in which we now live. Today, satellites beam events in real time into our front rooms. The Internet acts like a modern day bush telegraph that is forcing television news channels to take a more rigorous approach to events. Failure to do so would mean loosing audiences to the, as of yet, uncensored news breaking on the net. This was most evident in their recent holding of the politicians and bankers to account.

We heard and saw the pusillanimous, groveling apologies for their crimes. Their acceptance that none of them had any banking qualifications and the admittance that one of them was paid £15000 annually, for a 2-day week. This was emblazoned across our screens, then on the radio and, finally, across the press. Anchormen asked viewers for emails which they received by their thousands and read many of them on air inviting comment from studio guests. We are now active and influential commentators on these events.

However this must be tempered. Despite the great and good of capitalism being forced into the realm of public scrutiny we have a long way to go. The books and account sheets of the banks and big businesses remained sealed. Though forced into acts of public contrition they still control and wield power. Similarly, as shown by Jack Straw’s ability to deny publication of the cabinet’s Iraq War minutes, their politicians have many safeguards in place to deny truth.

That being said, the servility of the masses exploited by the dominance of bourgeois mental over proletarian manual power has been destroyed. A survey of any institution will show that many of today’s administrators have arisen from the ranks of the working class.

Today’s television exchanges also demonstrate that respect for leadership has to be earned and cannot be taken for granted. This was never better displayed than in a question and answer session with Gordon Brown on the subject of employment, again aired live on television news channels. Brown was assailed by a youth who, after listening to the prime minister, then addressed him by his first name. Dissatisfied with Browns answer he said that he would like to address the topic further with him after the show. Brown laughed it off and commended the questioner for his audacity. The interviewer did not bat an eyelid when the young man addressed the Prime Minister in the first person. That would not have happened 10 years ago.

The Working Class in 2009.

To understand fully the processes that have brought the differing layers of the class to the present it will be necessary to read the perspectives we have outlined. What we will concentrate on is a snapshot at this moment in time of three demographic sections that contribute the majority of society.

We will not deal with issues of race, nationalism, religion, gender nor touch on the disintegration taking place amongst the differing layers due to long term unemployment, drugs, alcohol, inner city youth gangs, inner city deprivation and many more social and economic issues which are easily identified with the long inglorious decline of a once great super power.

The Under 35’s

For the majority of those under the age of thirty-five years who will make up the shock troops of future revolutionary struggles, life is a struggle.

More often than not, for a young couple to achieve a house, a car and an annual holiday it requires both of them working long hours. Now the houses they bought are no longer worth the price that they paid for them. Current repossessions are highest amongst this grouping. For those who now would like a mortgage and are lucky enough to have a decent paid job they will have to have between 15% and 20% up front. They are the most educated generation yet their qualifications do not get them the jobs they desire. For those 350,000 leaving higher education this year 50% will go on the dole. Theirs will be a life of constant uncertainty and struggle.

As a grouping they are yet to enter the stage of history but they will be ready and waiting and they will have no illusions about the failures and flaws of the capitalist system. These will be young fighters with no memory of the past defeats of the working class.

In many instances they have no knowledge of the magnificent history and struggles of our recent history. Yet, more than any other generation before, they will need and have to be ready and willing to storm the barricades, given the lead. They have no fear of capitalism indeed they are beginning to hold it in utter contempt. Before they commit themselves to the road of revolutionary struggle they will need a vision of the future society that inspires and enthuses them. What then of the of the post 45 year olds?

Post 45 year old Professionals

They have had their various acronyms best exemplified by the terms ‘yuppies’, ‘nimbies etc’. To a lesser degree they do not have the same worries as many will be well on the way to joining the MFP club (Mortgage Fully Paid). Their jobs through seniority will be relatively secure. They will more than likely be members of pension schemes. If they are made redundant there will be a cushioned pay out, - and there is always the possibility of a part time job somewhere to pay the bills and afford the basics. Yet they are enormously disenchanted with their lot. Many have offspring well into their 20’s still living with them. Many have to make room for a son/daughter with their own children. Many are irate that these sons and daughters, although qualified to the hilt, are in low paid jobs with no chance of owning their own home. This layer’s comfortable existence has been shattered not least by the final year’s pension being consigned to the dustbin of history.

Yet they do have a memory of the struggles that took place in the 70’s and 80’s. Most common amongst a section of these professional classes is a sense of shame that they were duped by Thatcher. A larger section are guilt ridden that they did not support the miners in their defining struggle with capitalism, they have a memory of organized struggle and a reformist labour party.

Finally, there is a small layer that participated in those historic struggles and has remained true to their class.

It is amongst layers of this middle-aged group that the BNP can get its biggest echo. But this layer will easily be invigorated by the struggle and fighting capacity of the under 35 year olds. What then of ‘grey power.’

Senior Citizens

There are some 12 million pensioners who for the best part lived through the war and the ensuing decade of hardship up to the 1950’s. They can look back in anger at the failed promises of all the political parties. Their sons and daughters look upon the previous sacrifices of their parents and see what is happening to them.

Dementia, termed by the medical experts as the new cancer, is predicted to affect one in three senior citizens in the next twenty years, yet New Labour is not prepared to licence the drugs through the NHS that delay its progress. This means that only those who have the resources can get the most effective medicines to deal with this ghastly disease, and the same is true for other illnesses.

Furthermore, tens of thousands still die of hypothermia each winter, they survive on low state pensions, they suffer a failing NHS, a practically non-existent welfare state and a system that penalizes them at every turn.

They, in turn, are angry at the treatment of their grandchildren. They are at a time in their lives when they will not be hoodwinked anymore and many are prepared to stand up and be counted.

The Present

So the stage is set, a weak enfeebled capitalist class has no option other than to attack the living standards of the working classes. All the political parties represent the different wings of the bourgeoisie. The working classes although dazed from the rapidity of the recession are more than prepared to defend their living standards. The effete nature of the ruling class is there for all to see. The point, however, is to organize its removal from the scene of history.

The current situation, we believe, presages a new period of defensive struggles and will be reflected in the formation of mass movements within a short life span. We believe that the new formations will be forged not from the existing trade unions but will initially take the form of that of the contractors struggle in Britain.

From the outset the contractors set up their informal own ad-hoc structures and very quickly threatened to bring a stop to the petro-chemical and power industries. The trade union leaders arrived on the scene just in time to head off the struggle declaring their understanding but publicly stating that they had categorically nothing to do with the illegal strikes, for fear of the sequestration of their own livelihoods.

There was widespread support specifically when the unofficial leaders were able to point out that the strike was neither racist nor aimed at foreign workers. Had it developed, more and more sections of industrial workers would have joined.

Not one politician of any party addressed any of the rallies. Not one trade union leader came out unequivocally in support. That is not an accident. There are no mass parties in the developed world that will freely offer any serious reforms to the working masses. The trade union beaurocracies are terrified of any new or potential left party that would develop beyond and outwith their control.

However, in the coming period new parties and/or mass groupings will be forged to fill the vacuum previously occupied by social democracy. It is this certainty that has prompted this discussion. Already events are unfolding in regard to this process. The tempo, character and size of these vehicles will be clearer as the struggle develops and intensifies.

The Future

The most successful attempt at creating a genuine workers party since the British CP is that of the Scottish Socialist Party (SSP) formed in 2002. The SSP’s socialist ideas exposed in the first instance the Labour Party, gaining many former members and winning the allegiance of the best workers to its electoral banner. In Scotland, Labour had nowhere to turn except in on themselves. Their hopeless plight in the Scottish parliament is a product of the SSP’s destruction of their traditional reservoir of electoral support and their membership has collapsed and will soon be eclipsed by the Nationalists.

At its height it had a cadre of MSPs and councilllors and was enthusiastically supported by 100000’s of Scottish workers and youth. It was a beacon to workers all over Britain. It had the potential of emerging branches in the town and cities the length and breadth of the land and many of its members were local leaders in their respective communities.

From its inception it was an inclusive organization with democratic accountable structures. It welcomed all who supported its aim - the establishment of an independent socialist Scotland. In many respects it brought together the best elements of the then active working class. It gelled an elected leadership that was accountable to the rank and file. It had early and spectacular electoral success.

In marked contrast to the political development of devolution, on the industrial front there were no major movements. For a new party built on the basis of class fighters from differing backgrounds and groupings the glue that was needed to hold them together was the influx of fresh blood preferably in the shape of workers fresh from struggle. This did not happen and it seems the political wing of the party effectively attempted to substitute itself for the party in the interim.

Throughout the struggle against the Poll Tax, the Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) was able to feed off the radicalism generated by the campaign’s leaders who went on to form the SSP.

The SNP were better positioned to take advantage of the subsequent ‘boom’ years and were able to make a successful and sustained foray into the major cities and the working class communities. It was the SNP who, thanks to the SSP’s exposition of the role of the Labour Party in Scotland, were able to win some of the key, former working class, strongholds that previously had not been convinced to fully go over to the banner of the SSP.

Apart from the Daily Record, Scotland’s capitalist press are supportive of the growing influence of the SNP. At this point in history, they would much prefer a left nationalist party that faithfully swears allegiance to capitalism and the crown than the former failed alternatives.

One thing is certain, however, the onset of industrial struggle and the legitimate demands of the workers will expose the nationalists.

The Scottish Socialist Party has the opportunity to recover from the previous period.

We believe that this is the turning point in history when an openly democratic, anti-capitalist party can link with those in struggle to form an invincible vehicle for social change.

Conclusions

The conditions for socialism are ripening on a world scale. All the ingredients are moving into place. Large sections of the ruling class have lost confidence in their system. The many differing sections of the working class are now being forced together by the world recession. At the unemployment office formerly high paid professional’s stand side by side with the low paid. The common ground is being forged.

All the political parties of the ruling class are exposed at best as inept but in the minds of many workers they are defenders of the rich and those who rule. Nationalization on their terms and in their hands is correctly seen as the stealing of our future in order to maintain the wealth and privileges of the financial elite. They understand that there is a chasm between the nationalization of Brown and the real ownership of the banks on behalf of the workers. More and more, state power will be viewed as a poison chalice. Cameron will face the same problems as Brown.

Disputes, as outlined, will be of a sharp confrontational character organized by workers schooled in the struggles of everyday life. It is difficult to define what formations will be built or what political bodies will be set up. But one thing is for sure the trade unions will be transformed, the old leaders will be removed when and where they try to use the rulebook and stifle democratization. Even if the bureaucrats succeed in the short term the workers will find another avenue.

The workers are aware of who the enemy is. They will come to the conclusion that they have to replace capitalism. We can like Marx join in the struggle and engage in discussion. No longer do we have to adhere to the revolutionary combat organizational method of assisting in struggle with an agenda for the workers that Lenin forged in czarist times or one that suits the partisan aims of any particular grouping.

The workers will travel quickly past those organizations and bodies who cannot point the way forward. We must be on that journey and experience it with them. There is much to learn which is not in the works of the great socialists.

No longer should we go in armed with our own ‘unquestionable programme’, nor should we work to win the best workers to the ‘revolutionary party’ simply to educate them in our version of the ‘correct’ Marxian analysis, whilst at the same time urging them to attend weekly branch meetings and part with their hard earned cash.

We should approach these struggles from the standpoint of Marx in the Paris Commune. To engage in the struggle and assist in whatever way will help. Through our joint and unequivocal participation we will earn the respect of all workers in their struggles. We must have faith in their ability and desire to ask and discuss with us about our ideas and demands as and when they initiate it. We might well be surprised by their understanding and willingness to promote those ideas and if they gain a positive echo then a dialogue will take place. Mutual trust and respect will be built.

The days of selling a paper espousing revolutionary ideas to workers in struggle, whilst at the same time telling them it’s ‘their’ paper, are gone. Better to assist those workers, if asked, with their own publications. Even announcing that we are from official bodies of the movement in some instances will alienate us, given the role of the trade union leaders.

Humility and an honest approach will ensure a good response on any picket line or mass meeting. We look forward to the future with great expectation. If socialist ideas become the property of the working class the future of mankind is assured.

Red Writings copyright 2009